Christo in Captivis: Early Trinitarian Ransom Activity
Joseph J.
Gross,
OSST
Introduction
Captives
and Their Ransom in Western Christian Tradition
The
action of the early Church on behalf of Christians held captive for the
faith was revived and transformed in the Middle Ages during the Crusades
and under the pressure of the Muslim conquests. After the battle of Hattin
in July of 1187 and the subsequent fall of Jerusalem on 2 October,
thousands of Christians had been taken captive, including the Latin king
of Jerusalem Guy de Lusignan. The
loss of Jaffa in 1197 had led to the detention of many more.
These were only two of many contemporary situations.
The taking of captives became a widespread problem, one which had
extended not only along the eastern shores of the Mediterranean but also
in Iberia and along the coastal region of North Africa. Captives were regarded as the spoils of war and their ransom
was, from the captor´s point of view, a method of transforming this gain
into money or goods or persons. In 1192 at Acre, 2500 Christian captives
were being offered in exchange for Muslim captives.
First
out of necessity then by choice, the military and hospitaller orders took
it upon themselves to rescue their own Christian comrades who had fallen
into enemy hands. It was a
natural step to extend this ransom activity beyond their own membership
and they were asked to do so. A
case in point. Guiard, the
son of Rosceline of La Ferté-sur-Aube, had been captured in Acre.
His mother contracted with the Hospitallers to secure the
unrestricted release of her son held captive by the Saracens. In a document of February 1214 [1215] in the name of her son
Count Thibaut IV, Blanche of Champagne ratified the contract in which
Rosceline had promised to pay the Hospitallers an annual rent from her
fief at Bar-sur-Aube (J. Delaville Le Roulx, Cartulaire
général de l´Ordre des Hospitaliers de S. Jean de Jérusalem 2
[Paris: 1897] 171, n. 1434).
Still, ransoming was chiefly an unorganized and not always a not-for-profit
activity prior to end of the 12th and beginning of the 13th
century.
From
the beginning of his pontificate, Innocent III was deeply involved in the
Church´s growing consciousness of the merits and feasibility of ransoming
Christian captives. Especially in his letters of 1212 to Patriarch Albert
of Jerusalem (Recepimus
litteras of 13 January),
to the imprisoned Patriarch Nicholas of Alexandria (Gratum
gerimus of 18 January) and to the captives in Alexandria and Babylonia (Recepimus
litteras of 19 January),
Innocent III highlighted the plight of the captives and the duty of
Christians to deliver them from their bondage.
Then, in his preparations for Lateran IV (Vineam
Domini of 19 April 1213) and particularly in regard to the 5th Crusade (Quia
maior issued between 19 and 29 April 1213),
Innocent III again recognized the pressing reality of Christians held
captive and the straightforward duty of fellow Christians to care for
these their neighbors. The
plight and ransom of Christians held captive by Muslims became as public a
concern as the “holy war” which caused the captivity.
The
Order of the Holy Trinity and of Captives
There
is an inscription in Rome bordering
a large circular mosaic of the very early 13th century, the
work of marble craftsmen of the Cosmati family.
Pictured here over the entrance to the former Hospital of St.
Thomas in Formis is a Byzantine-style Christ seated in majesty and flanked
by two men in fetters. One of these men is light-skinned and holds a staff
surmounted with a cross of red and blue (a Christian) while the other is
dark-skinned and armed (a non-Christian).
The inscription proclaims this to be the Signum
Ordinis Sanctae Trinitatis et Captivorum.
It was during the pontificate of Celestine III that Brother John
(St. John de Matha, whose feast is now kept on 17 December) had laid the
firm foundation for the establishment of the Trinitarian Order.
The time was 1193/94. The
place was Cerfroid, a locality about 80 km to the northeast of Paris, on a
piece of property donated by Margaret of Blois, later the Countess of
Burgundy. Then, on 16 May
1198, after an encounter between Brother John and himself, Innocent III
issued the letter Cum a nobis
petitur (Archivio
Segreto Vaticano: Registra Vaticana vol. 4, f. 62v, n. 247) granting his protection to the members of
this movement and to the three pilot properties (Cerfroid, Planels,
Bourg-la-Reine). Each of
these property donations (domum
Sancte Trinitatis Cervifrigidi … locum quoque de Planels cum ecclesia
ibidem fundata … domum..in
Burgo Regine), confirmed by Innocent III, had been made specifically
for the work of ransoming Christian captives.
Toward the end of his letter, the pope was encouraging and
future-oriented as he wrote not only of the Trinitarians´ present houses
but also of their future houses (domus
vestre, presentes atque future).
Likewise, he was specific and firm that these houses not be
diverted from the reason for their establishment, namely, for the ransom
of captives (ad redemptionem
captivorum) nor from the already established observance of the order (ab
observantia vestri ordinis et institutionis) of Brother John and his
companions.
The
Trinitarian Order formed part of the new style of religious life in the 12th-13th
centuries. The
founding-intention (propositum)
of Brother John called for the writing of a Rule of Life specific to the
Trinitarians. There were four
principal collaborators in the formulation of this Rule:
Brother John - Eudes de Sully, Bishop of Paris - Absalom, Abbot of
St. Victor in Paris - Innocent III. On
17 December 1198, during the first year of his pontificate, Innocent III
gave his approbation to and promulgated the text of the Trinitarian Rule
in his letter Operante divine
dispositionis clementia (ASV:
Reg. Vat. vol. 4, ff.
126v-128r, n. 481). According
to the Rule (c. 2),
the Brothers are to divide all income into three equal parts:
two-thirds are to be used for the works of mercy (opera
misericordie) and for their moderate sustenance (cum…moderata
sustentatione), while one-third (tercia
pars) is to be reserved for the ransom of captives.
The text of the Rule is very clear here regarding the captives:
ad redemptionem captivorum
qui sunt incarcerati pro fidei Christi a paganis
= for the ransom of
captives who are held prisoner for the faith of Christ by non-believers.
There is the further explicit requirement that, even when a
donation is made for a specific purpose, the tertia
pars for the ransom of
captives must be set aside (separetur) always with the consent of the donor and that the
donation is not to be received otherwise (et
aliter non recipietur). These
financial matters are to be discussed in the Chapter held, if possible,
every Sunday (c. 2 and c. 20). When the Brothers are on
their way to ransom captives (in via
profecti ad redimendum captivos) and something is given to them, they
must set it all aside for ransoming captives (totum
debent ponere in redemptionem captivorum), except for expenses (c.
13).
According to the Rule (c. 2),
Christian captives may be ransomed either by paying a reasonable price (dato precio rationabili) for their release or by ransoming pagan
captives and then exchanging those captives for Christian captives (redimatur
christianus pro pagano).
Trinitarian
Ransom Beginnings
As
a way of following Christ Jesus and ministering to His people in their
need, the Trinitarian Order was specifically founded and approved for the
release of those held captive for the Christian faith.
In addition, each Trinitarian house carried out local mercy work in
its own vicinity. The time
was the first centenary of the Crusades.
There had been civil agents of ransom in Spain, namely, the exeas and alfaqueques.
Some religious orders had already had some involvement in ransom
efforts, e.g. Templars, Hospitallers, Santiago, Mountjoy/Holy Redeemer,
Knights of the Holy Cross, the Monastery of Silos, etc.
As for the Trinitarians, the first extant document pointing to
their ransom activity is the letter Inter opera misericordie of Innocent III (ASV:
Reg. Vat. vol. 4, f.
148r-v, n. 9) issued from the Lateran on 8 March 1199 and addressed to the Miramolinus
(the latinization of the Arabic title “prince of those who
believe”, whose name was Abu Abd Allah Muhammad al-Nasir), Emir of
Marocco. The pope wrote:
To the illustrious Miramolinus,
Emir of Marocco, and his subjects. May
you come to know the truth and remain in it for your salvation.
Among the works of
mercy which our Lord Jesus Christ recommended to his faithful in the
Gospel, the ransom of captives holds not the least place.
For this reason, we are obliged to bestow our apostolic favor on
those engaged in such activities.
Indeed some men,
among whom are the bearers of this letter, not long ago were divinely
inspired and established an order and its rule, on the basis of which they
must use for the ransom of captives one-third of all the revenue which
they now have or which they will acquire in the future.
Moreover, in order that they may be more able to carry out their
project -and because it is
often easier to set a captive free from imprisonment through an exchange
than by ransom- they have been authorized to ransom pagan captives from
Christians and then exchange them for the liberation of Christian
captives. Hence, we have
deemed it appropriate to inform you by this apostolic letter about the
undertakings of which we have spoken, since they benefit both Christians
and pagans. May He who is the
Way, the Truth and the Life, inspire you and, once you have known the
truth which is Christ, may you quickly hasten to embrace it.
Illustri
Miramolino, regi Marrochetano, et subditis eius ad veritatis noticiam
pervenire ac in ea salubriter permanere.
Inter
opera misericordie, que Jesus Christus dominus noster fidelibus suis in
Evangelio commendavit, non minimum locum optinet redemptio captivorum;
unde personis illis, qui circa talia occuppantur, favorem debemus
apostolicum impertiri.
Sane
viri quidam, de quorum existunt numero presentium portitores, nuper
divinitus inflammati, regulam et ordinem invenerunt, per cuius instituta
terciam partem proventuum omnium, quos vel nunc habent vel in futurum
poterunt optinere, in redemptionem debent expendere captivorum;
et ut melius valeant suum propositum adimplere, cum sepe facilius per commutationem quam per redemptionem de captivitatis
ergastulo valeant liberari, ut paganos captivos a christianis redimant est
concessum, quos pro liberandis christianis debeant commutare. Ceterum quoniam opera, que premisimus, et christianis
expediunt et paganis, huiusmodi vobis duximus per apostolicas litteras
intimanda. Inspiret autem
vobis ille, qui via, veritas est et vita, ut agnita veritate, que Christus
est, ad eam venire quamtotius festinetis.
Though curiously not mentioned by name, the
details contained in this papal letter of presentation and recommendation
point to the newly founded and approved Trinitarian Order. Interestingly,
the personal name of the emir is not included in the text of the letter.
Unfortunately, the ransomers are not named either.
Some writers have suggested that Brother John himself was one of
the portitores of the papal
letter. Again, it is not
known exactly when this letter was delivered to the emir nor how its
bearers as well as the message of its author were received.
There are no extant documents that tell of the ransomers´ travel.
What was the concrete outcome of this mission?
Unfortunately, that too is unknown.
Hopefully, all went well.
This
papal letter also makes specific mention of the tertia
pars for the ransom of captives, the distinctive self-taxation which
came to characterize the Trinitarians.
The tripart division of all income and the separation of the tertia pars radically conditioned their financial possibilities.
Needless to say, with the expansion of the Order beyond the three
pilot properties, it was not always easy or possible to follow the Rule´s
prescriptions about the tripart division and the tertia
pars. It must have come
as a surprise -perhaps a
shock- to some benefactors that their donation was to be refused by
the Trinitarians because they had not given their consent that one-third
of their donation be set aside for the ransom of captives. Compromise soon appeared.
Probably in February of 1206, in order to accept a hospital built
in the French quarter of the city of Toledo and offered to the
Trinitarians by Archbishop Martin, Brother John himself had to compromise
the tertia pars prescription:
item tercia, que in
redemptionem captivorum secundum regulam predicti ordinis est expendenda,
sine consciencia archiepiscopi nullatenus expendatur
= likewise, the tertia
pars, which must be employed for the ransom of captives according to
the Rule of this Order, must in no way be so employed without the
knowledge of the archbishop (Madrid:
AHN, Sección Clero (pergamenos), carpeta 3018…from its former
location…Clero Secular, Catedral de Toledo, 1955, armario 44, tabla 2).
This was not an isolated instance.
Compromise
regarding the tertia pars is
also seen at Meaux in 1244 with the donation and acceptance of the
hospital there (sine aliqua
deductione et separatione tertie partis) and at Vianden in June of
1248 with the donation and acceptance of the hospital there ( pars
tertia in usus fratrum et pauperum et maxime in predicti hospitalis
edificia convertantur) and at Fontainebleau in July of 1259 with the
donation and acceptance by the General Chapter of the royal chaplaincy
there (Haec autem supradicta omnia dicti fratres in usus convertant superius
memoratos, nec ea teneantur nec valeant tertiare.).
In August of 1261, Count Thibaut V of Champagne and Brie, dispensed
the Trinitarians of Troyes from setting aside for the ransom of captives
the tertia pars from the rents
which he had given them (Licet
tertia pars converti debeat in redemptionem captivorum, nolumus tamen quod
de predictis sibi a nobis collatis, ratione dicte redemptionis, ullo modo
aliquid deducatur). At
the instance of Riccardo degli Annibaldi (Cardinal Deacon of S. Angelo in
Pescheria and nephew of Innocent III), Urban IV issued his letter Provisionis nostre on 13 November 1261 (ASV: Reg.
Vat. vol. 26, fol. 6r, n.20) which
dispensed the Trinitarians of St. Thomas in Formis in Rome from setting
aside the tertia pars so that
all income would be used by them for the hospital and for the poor (ut omnes redditus et proventus ipsius hospitalis vestri presentes et
futuros in vestros dicti hospitalis et pauperum ad illud accedentium usus
totaliter convertere valeatis) While
recognizing the tertia pars for
ransom set forth in the Rule, those involved agreed to override it so that
all the revenue could be used locally for the Brothers and for those in
need. It is clearly a case of
adaptation and adjustment to the expanding situation of the Order and to
the local needs and to the firm wishes of benefactors.
This
important development concerning the tertia
pars for the ransom of captives had its influence on the text of the
Trinitarian Rule. On 9
February 1217 –a little
over 3 years after Brother John´s death-
Honorius III approved and promulgated an updated edition of the
Rule in his letter Operante divine
dispositionis clementia (ASV:
Reg. Vat. vol. 9, ff.
66r-67v). The wording of chapter 2 regarding the tertia pars remained exactly the same but an escape clause was added
to the statement about the donor´s consent in order to make it possible
to accept the donation even if the donor did not consent to setting aside
one-third of the donation for the ransom of captives: nisi donator per se
ipsum aut procuratorem idoneum id in usum domus expendat
= unless the donor
personally or through a suitable procurator should employ it for the use
of the house. Then, on 11
December 1262, Urban IV commissioned Bishop Reginald of Paris and the
Parisian Abbots Robert of St. Victor and Thibaut of St. Genevieve to
revise completely the Trinitarian Rule of Life, including the matter of
the tertia pars for the ransom
of captives. By May of 1263, they had completed their assigned task.
However, it was not until 7 December 1267
-some 50 years after the approbation of the second edition of the
Order’s Rule- that Clement
IV approved and promulgated this completely revised Rule of Life for the
Trinitarians in his letter In ordine
vestro (Paris: Archives
Nationales, L. 261, n. 103 = original).
In this updating, chapter 2 more than doubled in size.
Economic policies were quite detailed.
Significantly, this updated edition of the Rule omits the clause
about not accepting a donation should the donor not give his consent that
one-third be set aside for the ransom of captives.
As a result of this mid-13th century revision of the
Rule, the requirements regarding the setting aside of the
tertia pars for the ransom of captives became highly elastic. By the 14th
century, the prescription and practice of the tertia pars set down in the 1198 Trinitarian Rule had been
tranformed into an ideal. In
the spirit of the tertia pars,
an established amount of money or specific “quota” was to be given for
the ransom of Christians captives. Trinitarian expansion certainly had its
upside and its downside as did the influence of benefactors on the Order
and its work.
Early
Trinitarian Ransom Activity
While there are a significant number of Trinitarian ransom accounts
from the 17th and 18th centuries which have
survived, there is little detailed information about early Trinitarian
ransom activity which has
survived the passing of the centuries. A question has sometimes been
asked: in fact, did the early
Trinitarians -Trinitarians of
the Order´s first century- have
the wherewithal to record their ransom activity for themselves and for
their contemporaries and for posterity?
An answer to that question is still pending.
However, there are some interesting extant indicators about early
Trinitarian ransom activity and its results. In his Chronicum de Maioribus Ministris of the Order, Trinitarian Minister
General Robert Gaguin (+1501) mentions two ransoming missions in the
Kingdom of Granada during the early 13th century. The first is a ransoming of 42 captives carried out in 1222
by the Order´s third Minister General, William the Scot, who died in May
of that year in Cordoba at the end of the mission. The second is a failed
mission (there was unrest in the Granada area) headed by the fifth
Minister General, Michael the Spaniard in 1230.
Other authors, beginning with the 13th century crusade
chronicler Jean de Joinville (“The
Life of St. Louis” in Chronicles
of the Crusades [London: 1963] 257-259),
tell the story of the Order´s sixth Minister General, the Frenchman
Nicholas, who accompanied Louis IX on the seventh crusade in 1248 and was
his companion in captivity at Damietta in Egypt from 6 April 1250 until
their ransom. An eloquent
painting in the Pantheon in Paris touchingly commemorates their shared
experience in captivity, as the strong and stately king supports the aged
and weary Trinitarian.
On 31
March 1272 from the Lateran and again on 25 August from Orvieto, Gregory X
issued his letter Adaperiat Dominus,
which is important because of its author and because of those to whom it
is addressed as well as for its contents.
The pope addressed this letter to the principal Christian maritime
powers of his day: Genoa,
Marseille, Venice, Pisa, Montpellier, Narbonne.
He stated that they should not furnish the Saracens with weapons,
metal or wood for their galleys nor sell them boats nor act as pilots for
their ships nor give them any help or technical assistance.
His primary aim in writing this letter was to create increasingly
greater unity among the Christian maritime powers and thus weaken the
Saracen forces and retake the Holy Land.
The text of Adaperiat Dominus
shows his keen awareness
of the plight of and deep concern for the ransom of Christian captives,
having himself earlier (December 1269) set aside a sum of money (12 marks
of gold) for the release of Christians held captive, should he not go on
crusade. Having been in Palestine himself (summer-fall of 1271), Gregory X
knew first-hand the problem of captivity which Christians suffered at the
hands of Muslims and he was keen to find a solution to this situation
In his letter, addressed to this wide and powerful audience,
Gregory X mentioned by name the Trinitarian Order and its ransom activity
in recounting a release of Christian captives:
procurante nichilominus quodam ex fratribus ordinis Sancte Trinitatis,
qui ad captivos huiusmodi redimendos sunt specialiter deputati =
procuring, nevertheless, one of the Brothers of the Order of the Holy
Trinity, who are especially dedicated to ransoming captives of this kind (Narbonne:
Archives Municipales, HH 83 = original). This papal letter was certainly major publicity for the
Trinitarians and their ransom activity and first-class appreciation for
and testimony to the success of their efforts.
As for the specific ransom cited here, it would seem that it took
place around the year 1270 and was carried out by a unnamed Trinitarian
probably of one of the Order´s houses in Palestine
-perhaps the house at Acre- a
Trinitarian who had personally reported to the pope on the situation and
the concrete problem of Christians held captive.
The
lack of source material makes it somewhat difficult to reconstruct how 13th
century ransoming was carried out by the Trinitarian Order in anything but
the most general terms. At
the very beginning, the practical organization of ransoming would appear
to have been relatively simple, being based on and developing according to
norms and directives set forth in the Rule of Life and subsequent
Statutes. The tertia
pars set the tone and was a real binding force among the Brothers and
the houses of the Order. As
mentioned earlier, a major change made in the Rule during the 13th
century was regarding the tertia
pars. The houses of the
Order were initially understood to be functional centers for the Order´s
ransom activity and the community´s local mercy work.
Again, the development and expansion of the Order and the influence
brought to bear by its benefactors effected change in that understanding.
As for travel arrangements and expenses for ransom missions during this
early period of ransom activity, nothing is known for certain.
There are no extant records which tell of 13th century
ransom negotiations and captives ransomed.
As for the ransom price for the individual captive, it would appear
that it varied according to the person´s “accomplishments and
standing”. This is
reflected in the phrase secundum
merita et statum personarum in chapter 2 of the Rule, regarding the
exchange of captives. Obviously,
the timing of the ransom, the supply-and-demand principle, the person´s
age and abilities, the whim of the captor as well as other factors would
have their influence on the price to be paid for the captive´s ransom.
(Later on in the Order´s history
-the ransom records have survived-
Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra would be ransomed for 500 escudos
of gold in 1580-1581 by the Trinitarians Juan Gil and Antonio de la
Bella.)
Raising
the money for ransoming captives would have been a constant challenge for
the Trinitarians. It was
essential for them to have sources of reliable, regular and substantial
revenue. They seem to have
been rather successful at ransom fund raising through developing such
sources as alms, rents, fees, legacies and gifts from the welltodo.
Frequently, mention is made of the Trinitarians in last wills and
testaments at the end of the 13th century. In 1249, Jean, a cleric of Paris, had left the Trinitarians
of St. Mathurin an annual income of 40 solidi
for their ransom activity (Cartulaire
de l’Eglise de Nôtre-Dame de Paris II [Paris: 1850] 467, n. 103). Certainly, permanent endowments would be sought.
The most enduring form of donation to the Order was land which
provided an annual rent. The
importance of land grants, income producing property and such, is
recognized by specifically mentioning them (exceptis
terris, pratis, vineis, nemoribus, edificiis…terre) in chapter 2 of the Rule.
Occasionally, very occasionally, in thanksgiving for their freedom,
ransomed captives who were noblemen
-or their sons- founded houses for the Trinitarians, e.g. Lérinnes
(1237), la Poultrière (1248), Convorde (1256).
After his ransom by Trinitarians and his return home, Godfrey of Châteaubriant
gave witness to the work of his ransomers and founded a house for them at
Châteaubriant during the 1250s. In
all of this, the Trinitarian Order adopted -presumably also refined for its purposes-
fund raising techniques already long in use by the military and
hospitaller orders.
One
of the most important and constant sources of income was alms, donations
given for the benefit of those in need either out of charity or in the
Christian belief that the sacrfice involved was helpful to salvation. During the Middle Ages, alms took the place of public support
for the sick and indigent, and Christians were expected to make
contributions according to their means.
The alms quest by Trinitarians in urban and country settings was an
effective method of seeking financial assistance through direct contact. The 17th century Trinitarian writer Bernardino of
St. Anthony describes (Epitome
generalium redemptionum captivorum quae a Fratribus Ordinis SS. Trinitatis
sunt factae [Lisboa: 1623] 235) such a method being used in the early decades of the 13th
century by Portugese Trinitarians. Papal
letters and royal privileges attest to the considerable success of the
alms quest by Trinitarians. The popes of the 13th century
endorsed Trinitarian ransom activity and provided the Order with spiritual
inducements to encourage the faithful to support the Order´s work.
Beginning in the 1240s, extant papal letters specifically mention
indulgences. The popes also
encouraged the faithful to become more closely affiliated with the
Trinitarians through spiritual association and confraternity membership.
Still, the alms quest had its inherent difficulties, e.g.
competition with and opposition from the local clergy for donations, being
regarded as bothersome in asking for donations, the serious problem of
fraudulent alms collectors disguised as Trinitarians.
The
aftercare of released captives returning to Christendom was an essential
part of Trinitarian ransom activity.
Trinitarians provided spiritual, moral and physical support to the
repatriated. Many of those
ransomed were too sick or weak to continue their journey home directly.
Some had no one waiting to welcome them back.
The obligatory quarantine was always imposed in times of
pestilence. In all these
instances, the ransomed captives needed to be sheltered and fed and cared
for, perhaps for several days or perhaps for several weeks.
And so, it was necessary for the Trinitarian Order to have houses
with a hospitale as part of the
complex, especially in coastal cities and along the routes most traveled
by the returning captives. The
first hospitale of the Order was
in the port city of Marseille. This
foundation dates from the year 1199, not long after the approbation of the
Order´s Rule of Life. Trinitarian
foundations with a hospitale continued
to grow astonishingly during the Order´s first 20 years.
By the year 1219, there were at least 17 hospitalia
out of more than 40 foundations.
The biggest growth period was during the six years between 1203 and
1209, when at least nine foundations with a hospitale
were made.
Once
ransoming activity got underway, foundations with a hospitale followed. During
the 1260s, the Dominican Humbert de Romans wrote (“Ad Fratres de
Trinitate” in De eruditione
praedicatorum: De modo
prompte cudendi sermones ad omne genus hominum [Barcelona: 1607] sermo
xxvii, p. 150)
that the Trinitarians almost always had hospitalia
with their houses (habentes quasi
semper hospitalia in domibus suis).
Some Trinitarian foundations not only had hospitalia
but were primarily hospitalia.
Far from being today´s healthcare facilities, these hospitalia
were a combination of shelters and infirmary-type facilities. The Order´s
Rule of Life is very clear about the Trinitarian duty as regards
hospitality and care of the sick. Chapter
16 offers particularly rich insight about the spirit of Trinitarian
hospitality: Cura
hospitum et pauperum et omnium euntium et redeuntium uni de discretioribus
et benignioribus fratribus iniungatur, qui audiat eos et, ut expedire
viderit, caritatis solatium amministret
= The care of
guests and of the poor and of all those who come and go is to be entrusted
to one of the more discreet and kinder Brothers;
he is to hear them and, as it seems expedient, administer the
comfort of charity. Chapter 36 focuses on spiritual wellbeing:
Ipsa die, qua infirmus
venerit vel apportatus fuerit, de peccatis suis confiteatur et comunicet
= The same day on
which a sick person arrives or is brought in, he is to confess his sins
and receive Communion. As for
financing, the Rule had destined two-thirds of all income for such works
of mercy and for the support of the Brothers:
et in quantum due partes sufficient, exequantur ex illis opera
misericordie cum sui ipsorum et eis necessario famulantium moderata
sustentatione.
Conclusion
In his Les
Ordres de Paris and
La Chanson des Ordres,
the 13th century writer Rutebeuf (+1285) delighted in
satirizing the foibles and laxity of contemporary religious.
However, in regard to the Trinitarians, he expressed admiration (Oeuvres Complètes
I [Paris:
1959] 327-328 and 332) for their strong sense of brotherhood, their practice of setting aside
one-third of all their income for the ransom of captives and their
humility in using donkeys as their means of transport.
He urged the members of the Order to be on guard lest they too grow
lax in these observances. Just
after mid-century, Urban IV had issued his letter Ad
hoc ordo vester (Paris: ANF, J 445, n. 10 = original)
of 15 May 1263, calling the Trinitarians to remember the reason for their
Order´s foundation by the Lord and to be faithful in living the Order´s
commitment to Christian captives and in setting aside the tertia
pars for their ransom:
It is well known that your Order, since its very
beginnings and beneficial establishment, has totally directed
its interest, effort and activity to ransom the defenders of the
Christian faith who, in their efforts to avenge the injuries rendered to
our Redeemer, exposed themselves to the danger of death.
Captured by the enemies of the faith, they are now held in their
prisons. Your Order, using
its own financial means, has undertaken to ransom them for the glory of
the same Redeemer. For this
reason, almighty God has extended your Order far and wide.
For this reason, the benevolence of the Apostolic See has, on
several occasions, strengthened your Order with a multiplicity of
privileges and has bestowed on it a steady and ever greater patronage.
For this reason, Christian kings and princes have lavished
considerable donations upon it. For
the same and other reasons, your Order has experienced an increase both in
size and in esteem. Therefore,
you who are professed members of this Order, must diligently keep in mind
the primary and particular purpose why your Order was established by the
Lord and why it was given such initial promotion.
Following the example of your predecessors, you must carefully and
energetically direct your attention and activity to the ransom of
Christian captives, if you are to appear to be members of this Order
not only in word but also in deed.
And so, since the Rule and Constitutions of
your Order clearly mandate that you should faithfully set aside an entire tertia
pars of the Order´s revenues, separated from the other two parts, and
send it to places overseas for the ransom of such captives;
and since We have been informed that a large number of Christians
lie in the hard, harsh and unbearable prisons of the Saracens throughout
Egypt and other locations in the East;
We, therefore, have undertaken, by this apostolic letter, to
advise, solicit, enjoin and exhort all of you to comply with the
directives of your Rule and Constitutions and to exercise care in sending
the entire tertia pars of your
Order´s revenues to the aforementioned places for the purpose of
ransoming these captives. Among
your Brothers, there are some who strive to comply with this mandate of
your Rule to the best of their ability.
These Brothers maintain that they could not in conscience remain
members of the Order, if they were to withhold this part of the revenues.
Acting as you ought, you will not only merit the reward that divine
mercy is now preparing for you in heaven but you will also deserve greater
favor from Us and from this Apostolic See.
Ad hoc ordo vester a primevo sue salubris institutionis initio, sua
totaliter convertisse studia et efficacem opem et operam adhibuisse
dinoscitur ut Christiane fidei defensores, qui pro ulciscenda nostri
Redemptoris iniuria, suas mortis periculis exponendo personas, per ipsius
fidei emulos caperentur et detinerentur emulorum ipsorum carceribus
mancipati pro eiusdem Redemptoris honore redimerentur per ipsius ordinis
facultates. Ob hoc quidem omnipotens Dominus longe lateque ipsum ordinem
ampliavit. Ob hoc Apostolice
Sedis providentia statum eius sub diversitate temporum multiplicibus
roboravit gratiis et continui sui favoris incrementis adauxit.
Ob hoc christiani reges et principes magnificis illum et mirificis
largitionibus dotaverunt et ob hoc etiam alias idem ordo cumulata suscepit
iugiter magnitudinis et exaltationis augmenta.
Debetis igitur, o vos qui estis eiusdem ordinis professores, illam
principalem et precipuam causam propter quam dictus ordo fuit institutus a
Domino et propter quam etiam sue promotionis primitiva sumpsit exordia
diligenter advertere et predecessorum exemplo vestrorum de huiusmodi
Christianorum redemptione sollicite ac efficaciter cogitare, ut videamini
dictum ordinem non solum verbis sed etiam in operibus profiteri.
Cum
igitur in regula seu constitutionibus ipsius ordinis contineri dicatur
expresse ut tertia pars obventionum eiusdem ordinis, per vos integre et
fideliter a reliquis duabus partibus separata, ad partes ultramarinas pro
redemptione captivorum huiusmodi destinetur et, sicut accepimus, numerosam
Christianorum multitudinem per Egypti et alias orientales partes teneat
durus, asper et intollerablis Saracenorum carcer inclusam, universitatem
vestram monendam, rogandam attente duximus et hortandam per apostolica
vobis scripta mandantes quatenus huiusmodi tertiam partem obventionum
eiusdem ordinis iuxta tenorem regule seu constitutionum ipsius, quam etiam
nonnulli ex fratribus vestris observare pro viribus affectantes asserunt
se non posse in ipso ordine propter retentionem obventionum ipsarum salva
conscientia remanere, ad predictas partes pro eorundem captivorum
redemptione mittere cum integritate curetis.
Ita quod preter divine retributionis premium quod vobis exinde a
celesti dispensatione proveniet, nostram et memorate Sedis uberius
mereamini gratiam et favorem.
Every kindness done, you did for me (Mt 25: 40). This
simple yet profound teaching of the compassionate Jesus in the Parable of
the Judgment effectively cuts through any supposed dichotomy between
service to God and ministry to others.
The ransom of captives is an action and experience of Exodus and
Redemption. The development
of the ransom of captives tradition is an inspiring example of how
theological understanding was not limited to verbal expression but was
effectively translated into practice and creatively adapted to changing
situations.
The 13th
century was the Golden Age for the life and work of the Trinitarian Order.
These hundred years were characterized by a keen awareness of and
faithfulness to Brother John´s propositum
(founding-intention), namely, the Order´s preferential option for the
ransom of those held captive by non-believers because of the Christian
faith. Rooted firmly and
deeply in the spirit of the works of mercy, this was a specialized
ministry of charity in service to the faith.
Piecing together extant indicators, Trinitarian 13th
century ransom activity appears to have consisted of several stages:
publicity and fund raising - gathering in the ransom resources -
choosing the ransomers - travel to and from the place of ransom -
negotiations and selection of captives - the actual release of Christian
captives by payment or by captive exchange - repatriation and aftercare of
the ransomed captives - publicity about the ransom which had been carried
out - finally, plans for the next ransom mission.
The work of ransoming was directed primarily towards aiding the
captives whose families and friends were unable to pay for their ransom.
This, however, did not exclude the ransom of captives who were
members of welltodo families. As
the Order´s ransom activity became more detailed in its organziation and
more institutionalized, a variety of persons involved emerged over time,
each carrying out his role in the ransom process.
And so, in addition to the actual ransomers, there were: alms
collectors, preachers, promulgators of indulgences, procurators, tax
collectors, associate members, etc. The
search for indicators of Trinitarian ransom activity continues, of course.
We keep looking for pieces which will enrich our understanding and
appreciation of this commitment to charitable ransoming:
the Trinitarian Order ministering to Christ in captives through its
ransom activity.
International
Medieval Studies Congress
Western Michigan University
4-7 May 2000